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If Chilean women have these psychological situations, physicians must determine and address them early. Distribution of individuals’ responses about knowledge of coronary heart illness and stroke in women. Awareness of heart problems as leading reason for death in women by socioeconomic stage, earnings, employment status and age (≥ fifty five years or youthful).

Another outstanding girl during this era was Micaela Errázuriz Aldunate , from Quillota, who was the daughter of Francisco Javier de Errázuriz Madariaga ( ) and María Rosa Aldunate Guerrero ( ). One of the few issues we learn about her is that she married Ramón Ovalle Soto. In the same vein, Trinidad Cortés y Cabrera (b.1791), from Los Andes, owned the haciendas San Vicente, San Antonio and del Castillo. She married José María de Araya y Gacitúa, however she survived him and managed the above mentioned haciendas, which had been inherited by their son, José Gregorio111.

We spoke with @claudiapazsr on the difficulty in our latest #LatAmFocus episode. The ultimate 2020 Washington Conference session will feature keynote remarks by U.S. Senator Ben Cardin, along with senior political observers from AEI, Bloomberg, CNN, and The New Yorker. In conclusion, women from Santiago, Chile, have a low awareness of CVD as the leading reason for dying.

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79Diego Portales ( ) was one of the necessary figures of the Chilean early republican period. Sergio Villalobos, Portales, una falsificación histórica, Santiago, Editorial Universitaria, 2005. 72Son of Manuel José Balmaceda ( ), creator www.hotmailorderbride.com/chilean-women of a widely known e-book called Manual del hacendado (farmer’s manual), broadly circulated within Chile at that time.

We have managed to locate paperwork where she seems as cash lender, promoting small pieces of land, allowing railway initiatives via her properties, renting properties and donating property. Isidora’s biography, like the certainly one of Candelaria, reveals that economic diversification was attainable for elite feminine entrepreneurs. Ana Josefa de Azúa y Marín , Marquise of Cañada , inherited this title after the demise of her brother José Tomás in . Furthermore, even earlier than the death of her brother, her mother María Constanza Marín, who was nonetheless alive, left her the Hacienda Chicureo, as a part of the inheritance from her father78. Ana Josefa is barely known to Chilean historiography, only mentioned in passing in some works as a result of she was the nice aunt of Constanza de Nordenflycht, lover of Diego Portales79, with whom Constanza had three children80.

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Thus, Juan Ignacio inherited the title of his father, and Quinta Alegre. But Juan Ignacio also acquired the haciendas of Naltahua and San Juan or San Antonio de la Mar , in 1783 and 1790, respectively. Unfortunately, Juan Ignacio left no descendants, and his brother José Antonio succeeded him, when Juan Ignacio died in 1798 , inheriting most of his brother’s fortune. But José Antonio also bought different haciendas, such as El Marco and El Paico , and was granted the encomienda associated with Chiñihue. José Antonio and Rosa had six daughters and one son, Juan Agustín, the final Count of Quinta Alegre, identified for his longstanding assist for Chilean independence, and member of parliament many occasions.

But she ought to be better recognized as a result of, regardless of residing in Santiago (in Compañía avenue), like María Ballesteros, she managed for over 20 years a large plot, namely the Hacienda Purutún of Quillota, which had a formidable extension of practically 35,000 hectares. The origin of this Hacienda dates back to the early seventeenth century in Chile, which then operated underneath the encomienda system. Ana Josefa additionally owned and managed different giant properties similar to Pucalán, El Melón and Carretón, which have been inherited from her family. She by no means got married, leaving no descendants, which makes her an interesting case because she turned a serious landowner with out being a widow81. That is, it was potential in Chile, even at this early period, to be a significant female landowner with out having to get married, and despite adverse authorized conditions.

Next is Isidora Aguirre de Munizaga ( ), from La Serena, the place she lived permanently, close to her properties. She married Juan Miguel de Munizaga ( )a hundred, as soon as mayor of Serena, who died when Isidora was twenty-eight years old, leaving her as his executor and tutor of their sons, all beneath the age of twelve101. Juan Miguel was his nice-uncle, and this explains why she survived her husband by almost fifty years. After the mid-1850s, she is described in a number of authorized paperwork as “free manager of her goods”, due to the promulgation of the Civil Code of 1855. She owned and managed many rural properties, including massive ones corresponding to Altovalsol, Saturno, Hinojal, Tongoy, Miraflores, Las Tablas, Quilacan, and a home within the centre of La Serena.

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This final section is devoted to bringing to life a few of these nameless Chilean female agricultural entrepreneurs, and analysing some consultant circumstances. In tables 5 to 7 we’ve included the Chilean female agrarian elite of the primary half of the nineteenth century, whose histories have previously remained hidden, despite being members of the elite. In all, these tables present all the female landowners for the intervals , and 1852, who made the highest-a hundred in the ranking of agricultural landowners in Chile , ranked per annual income of their farms for these specific periods65. Marriages nearly became industrial transactions, particularly to negotiate dowries and deposits . The dowry was a cloth contribution made by the wife’s family51 , to contribute to the couple’s bills, but also to secure the future of the spouse in case she turned a widow.

That said, husbands weren’t allowed to alienate either dowry or arras, thus offering some protection for married women’s belongings. The authorities undertook a complete agricultural census for the whole of Chile, began in 1832 and completed in 1834, which was adopted by related censuses in and , involving cartographers and lots of other specialists. This was the first complete land survey ever conducted in Chile, and its comprehensive protection was distinctive for the region35. Chile became a pioneer in agricultural censuses throughout the world36.

Our outcomes are similar to the data on African American and Hispanic women reported within the first survey commissioned by AHA about CVD consciousness in 1997. These results show the pressing want for consciousness campaigns concerning the influence of CVD in women by our public health authorities and medical societies to reduce CVD morbidity and mortality in Chilean women. This lack of ability to change unhealthy CV patterns is a major barrier and is a call-to-motion to identify instruments that can obtain behavioral changes within the female population.

54The Civil Code of 1855, regardless of nonetheless being highly patriarchal, and subordinating married women to their husbands , gave Chilean women the chance to keep their estates and to separate possession of property throughout marriage. But married women still needed the approval of their husbands to sign any contract, accept inherited items, or acquire properties. 33Apart from land, other types of wealth, like financial property and training, have been less necessary throughout this era in Latin America. Has acknowledged that many Chileans from low social strata lived in their very own farms, though they did not venture to hazard numbers. 15Take for instance Gabriel Salazar, the newest main work on Chilean entrepreneurs in the course of the first three quarters of the nineteenth century, where no reference is made to elite female entrepreneurs, and solely temporary reference to small and medium female entrepreneurs.

In turn, Gertrudis Rosales Larraín, a member of two of the most important families of late colonial Chile, was once the owner of Hacienda de las Tablas from Casablanca, in addition to that of Tunquén and Quintay112. She married Francisco de Paula Ramírez de Saldaña Velasco (Francisco Ramírez in primary sources)113, and after Francisco’s death, Gertrudis had no different choice however to handle the haciendas. Indeed, she legally became proprietor and supervisor of the haciendas following the partition of products of her deceased husband114. They had many youngsters , including José Manuel, Juan Enrique and Miguel Ramírez115. Finally, María Mercedes Ramírez de Saldaña was the owner of Hacienda de San Regis, in San Felipe, also part of mayorazgo Toro y Mazote, and was married in 1797 to José Santiago de Ugarte Salinas116, also a member of one of many elite colonial families117.

After this introduction, we focus on and explain the nature of our sources, in addition to the Chilean legal framework relevant to female land possession in the course of the 1830s-1860s. Next, we current our primary findings on complete agricultural earnings and land inequality, specializing in gender inequality for these variables. The following section is devoted to portraying some essential female agricultural entrepreneurs of this era, most of whom are just about unknown to historians, despite their economic prominence in the course of the 1830s-1850s. Over one million Chileans requested their leaders for a brand new constitution—and so they got their wish.

Given the extant evidence, our analysis was necessarily confined to women members of the elite, for whom there are surviving records in Chilean archives. Even so little information exists about most of the women listed in tables 5–7, in order that they were essentially excluded from our account. Ideally, we had wished to incorporate additionally Chilean women from decrease socioeconomic strata, but no main sources were available.

Finally, we wished to discover many different cases, but it proved troublesome to get enough data. That stated, we must point out a few of these elite women in nineteenth century Chile. Let’s begin with Mercedes Guzmán, proprietor of Hacienda Huechún in Melipilla, one of the biggest estates in Chile, formerly owned by Tomás de Toro Zambrano within the seventeenth century, about whom little is understood. Next is Elena Valladares, registered as proprietor of Hacienda Nancagua, in San Fernando, of about 1,800 hectares108 and for whom we couldn’t collect a lot information109.

Likewise, we have Dolores Ramírez, owner of Hacienda El Armague, in Caupolicán, Colchagua. Like Candelaria Goyenechea, Dolores also invested in shares in the railways sector, buying ten shares of Ferrocarril del Sur110.

66This is regardless of the recognition that during the nineteenth century Chilean women were, “gradually and slowly” coming into modernity and changing their roles in a standard patriarchal society. 64According to knowledge from the 1854 census, the feminine share of the entire Chilean population was 50.46%. Before that, in the course of the 1810s-1840s, it is estimated that this share was even higher. 63Based on knowledge from the census of 1865, and assuming that forty% of the inhabitants was older than fifteen within the 1830s and 1850s, we estimate that in 1832 and 1852, 0.9% and 1.1% of all females older than fifteen owned land. That said, “Toro gave explicit consideration to the portions of private legislation regarding females”.